Does evil exist?

 

January 2007 Audio of Sue Grandys interview with me on her website Uncomfortable Questions


God and Other Ultimates:




Philosophy of Religion

First published Mon Mar 12, 2007; substantive revision Tue Mar 28, 2023



Graviton Ring was my pen name from a movie script that I own.


Sue Grandys has disappeared from the web ??




December 19, 2019: Sorry to say, Sue Grandys' podcast Uncomfortable Questions at libsyn went offline a few months ago. ALL 70 episodes except mine, episode 48, seem to be lost forever. I cannot locate them in the internet archives, nor any new site. My messages to Sue's sites have not been answered.


January 2007.  Uncomfortable Questions. 
With your host Sue Grandys, big questions of ordinary people.




The following is a transcript of the original interview which Sue recorded and edited from about 90 minutes down to about 45 minutes. I have also edited this text which was automatically transcribed from the audio by https://go-transcribe.com


Uncomfortable Questions with your host Sue Grandys. Big questions of ordinary people. 

[Sue:] Welcome. This is Uncomfortable Questions. Show number 48. I am your host, Sue Grandys. This show sets out to discover what ordinary people have discovered about life, love, spirituality, consciousness and share their views on the journey they have taken. Sorry this show was so long in coming. I was out of action for a couple of weeks after minor surgery, but I'm back again. Today's interview is with Graviton Ring, as he is known on the web. Age 67, science fiction and story writer and armchair cosmologist. He taught me that I still have a ways to go as an interviewer. His ideas are really out there and hard to put into words. At one point I just scrapped all my questions and just tried to follow him. I thought of all the brilliant questions I should have asked after the interview, but it was great fun and I hope it really makes you think. Enjoy the view of the inside.

[Sue:] Does evil exist? 

[Me:] I would say it doesn't exist, as most people think of it. My first thought when I wrote to you was since everyone said Hitler, I was thinking, What about Hitler? That made what he did evil. Essentially, there is no such thing as evil until it's actually done. But what he was trying to do is make something perfect. He was trying to perfect something, which I think is an object of our observation, we are the actual awareness of what's happening in the physical reality. But if we become that physical reality, we make ourselves an object. That was what I was thinking at that time. It's trying to make something perfect in the physical reality. 








The date was February 22, 1943. Hans Scholl and his sister Sophie, along with their best friend, Christoph Probst, were scheduled to be executed by Nazi officials that afternoon. The prison guards were so impressed with the calm and bravery of the prisoners in the face of impending death that they violated regulations by permitting them to meet together one last time. Hans, a medical student at the University of Munich, was 24. Sophie, a student, was 21. Christoph, a medical student, was 22.

This is the story of The White Rose. It is a lesson in dissent. It is a tale of courage–of principle–of honor. It is detailed in three books: The White Rose (1970) by Inge Scholl, A Noble Treason (1979) by Richard Hanser, and An Honourable Defeat (1994) by Anton Gill. https://www.fff.org/explore-freedom/article/white-rose-lesson-dissent/

[Sue:] You think that was his motivation? 

[Me:] Oh, I've read all of his papers and all of his speeches, and I was in the Pentagon for 21 months in 1962, in 1963, when JFK was president and they had a Nazi museum. Hitler owned the first electron microscope. He bought it off the inventor, the Nazi membership book. It was like being an Alice in Wonderland. It was like six feet high, about four feet wide and at least a foot thick. And it was the most beautiful red and black leather you could ever imagine. And you open up the pages. And there Adolf Hitler wrote his name in huge letters. It was like he was in some kind of different dimension of reality. 

[Sue:] Right. Do you think he even thought about all the death and the killing and if that even occurred to him as being wrong? 

[Me:] No, because he thought that was right. He wanted to make something the evil person other than himself, which I think is called projection. Hmm. When a person has this criminal insanity, they have to project that on to someone else. Because how would you live with yourself if you saw yourself as Hitler? You know you couldn't do it. So you have to project that evil onto someone else. And I think he just randomly picked the Jewish people because there was nothing in his philosophy about that up until a certain point where all of his staff was criminally insane. 

[Sue:] Mm hmm. 

[Me:] And I talked to an older man who was young when Hitler first started, which was like 1921. He was living in Germany, and he said Hitler had a small group of people, less than 50 people. They went from town to town and they had machine guns. And he said that was the greatest thing in the world to have a machine gun. So that was how he got popular, you know? Well, what I think is World War One caused World War two. What happened after World War One is they punished all the enemy, the so-called enemies that were defeated. 


I want to comment briefly about the elderly man saying that having machine guns was something to be desired at that time. In the early 1920s, the man stated that many villages like his were often attacked by marauders with guns or weapons which were not available to most people living in villages such as his. The people were forced to defend themselves with only inadequate tools such as knives or pitchforks. So the reason that weapons like machine guns were to be desired was to defend themselves from these crimes.



   
Microsoft Co-Pilot Deep Research:

Historical Report: Adolf Hitler and Paramilitary Visits to Rural German Villages in the Early 1920s


Introduction

This report investigates the existence and context of historical records or credible accounts describing Adolf Hitler and a small group of his followers visiting rural German villages in the early 1920s, armed with machine guns and promising protection against attacks. The research is inspired by a personal anecdote and seeks to situate such experiences within the broader developments of the Nazi movement’s rise to power. Emphasis is placed on the activities of the Sturmabteilung (SA), Freikorps, early Nazi paramilitary strategies, police reports, memoirs, academic analyses, and regional case studies from rural Bavaria and beyond.

By drawing on a wide spectrum of credible sources—ranging from contemporary newspapers, scholarly studies, government reports, memoirs, and oral histories—this report interrogates the plausibility, frequency, and significance of such alleged paramilitary visits during the formative years of National Socialism. The report is structured to provide both chronological context and thematic exploration, emphasizing the rural dimension of early Nazi propaganda, security promises, and political mobilization.


Historical and Political Context: Germany After World War I

The end of World War I in November 1918 thrust Germany into an era of acute political instability, social upheaval, and economic crisis. The abdication of Kaiser Wilhelm II was quickly followed by the establishment of the Weimar Republic, which faced immediate challenges from both left- and right-wing factions. In this postwar environment, violence became commonplace, with frequent uprisings in both cities and rural areas. Soldiers returning from the front formed the backbone of a variety of paramilitary groups—many of which, like the Freikorps, were soon instrumental in suppressing communist uprisings and participating in the restoration of public order.

These volunteer militias, often operating with the tacit approval (if not outright support) of government officials such as Reichswehr minister Gustav Noske, played a dual role: they protected the fledgling republic from communist revolutionaries and, at the same time, advanced protofascist, nationalist aims. The rural areas of Bavaria, in particular, emerged as strongholds for these paramilitary formations, owing to the region’s conservative traditions and geographical distance from the more progressive urban centers and the central government.


Timeline of Key Events (1918–1925)

DateEvent
November 1918Armistice; collapse of monarchy and formation of Weimar Republic
December 1918 – 1923Rapid growth of Freikorps units (peaking in 1919–21)
January 1919Spartacus Uprising in Berlin; Freikorps mobilized for suppression
February 1919German Workers’ Party (DAP) founded in Munich; Hitler attends first meetings September; Hitler joins DAP
February 1920DAP reorganized as NSDAP; Hitler announces 25-point Program in Munich
1921Hitler assumes leadership of NSDAP; Sturmabteilung (SA) officially formed, drawing heavily from Freikorps
1922Rural outreach and paramilitary mobilization intensifies; documentation of rural political violence and protective rhetoric emerges
November 1923Munich/Beer Hall Putsch; failed Nazi coup attempt in Bavaria; subsequent ban of NSDAP and SA in Bavaria until 1925
1924–1925SA reorganized; rural and urban propaganda efforts resume

The early 1920s thus saw the intensification and proliferation of paramilitary activities in both urban and rural settings, providing the structural and psychological groundwork for the rise of National Socialism.


Freikorps and Early Paramilitary Engagement in Rural Bavaria

Paramilitary violence in the German countryside did not originate with the Nazi Party, but the legacy and structure of groups like the Freikorps provided both a practical and ideological template. The Freikorps, often composed of embittered World War I veterans, were heavily armed—using rifles, machine guns, mortars, and armored vehicles sourced from war surplus or through sympathetic army quartermasters. They carried out campaigns not only in major urban centers but also in aggressively targeting rural outposts of leftist activity and, by extension, intimidating conservative peasant populations who were perceived as threatened by communist insurrection.

A pivotal event was the suppression of the Bavarian Soviet Republic in 1919, when Freikorps columns converged on Munich, using combined-arms tactics that blended the shock value of heavy weapons with the psychological intimidation of disciplined troops advancing in formation. These Freikorps actions, broadcast widely in the contemporary press and remembered vividly in memoirs, set a precedent for violent paramilitary intervention in both city and countryside, contributing to the consolidation of right-wing order and authority in Bavaria for years to come.

After the dissolution of the formal Freikorps in the early 1920s (due to international and Republican pressure), many veterans joined the newly founded SA, SS, or other right-wing paramilitary formations (such as Organisation Consul and Der Stahlhelm). These groups maintained both the hardware and the tactical mindset of their predecessors, including armed escorts, collective marches into rural locales, and the use of violence or its threat as a political tool.


The Sturmabteilung (SA) and Nazi Rural Outreach

The SA—often called the "Brownshirts"—was formally established in 1921 as the street-fighting wing of the Nazi Party. Its origin lay in the violent confrontations of the early party meetings, where Hitler and his military comrades would forcibly eject hecklers—sometimes resulting in bloodshed, as noted during mass gatherings at the Munich Hofbräuhaus in February 1920.

Composition and Purpose of the SA:

  • Comprised largely of ex-soldiers, unemployed youth, and former Freikorps members.
  • Tasked with protecting Nazi rallies, disrupting opponents' meetings, and intimidating perceived enemies.
  • Frequently armed with truncheons, pistols, and (occasionally) machine guns inherited from the Freikorps inventory.

From the outset, the SA was envisioned not only as a protective force but as a paramilitary vanguard for intimidating local authorities and Communist/left-leaning groups, particularly in rural contexts where police presence was sparse and state authority weak. They were often deployed in visible, sometimes theatrical displays—marching in formation through small towns, waving banners, and asserting their willingness to “protect” the local peasantry from the twin threats of communism and social collapse.

Nazi Propaganda and Promises of Protection

Early Nazi propaganda—disseminated through the Völkischer Beobachter newspaper and distributed leaflets—frequently emphasized the message that only a strong, armed nationalist movement could defend the fatherland and its villages from Bolshevik terror and lawlessness. This theme was especially effective in rural Protestant regions, where the memory of revolutionary violence and rumors of communist raids were fresh.

Some of the more rural-focused propaganda meetings even included agricultural “training camps,” speeches specifically tailored to countryside anxieties, and pledges by SA leaders that the party would defend "blood and soil"—an ideological staple asserting the unity of peasantry, race, and land.


Evidence for Paramilitary Visits to Rural Villages

Contemporary Police Reports, Memoirs, and Press

Police Surveillance and Reports:

  • Multiple official bavarian police reports and contemporary surveillance files (Staatspolizei, Landespolizei) document the movements of the Nazi party and associated paramilitary groups in both cities and rural villages, noting the organization of rallies, meetings, and the conspicuous presence of uniformed, often armed, paramilitaries in public spaces from 1920 onwards.
  • Direct references to rural meetings include July 1923 reports by Polizei Inspektor Bayer and Oberwachtmeister on Nazi paramilitary activity in the countryside, as well as documentation of local Landbund (agrarian) leaders joining militant groups “for protection” against Communists.

Memoir and Eyewitness Testimony:

  • Early Nazi supporters, such as Hans Mend and Dr. Johannes Dingfelder, corresponded directly with Hitler concerning local party organization and appearances, sometimes referring to the practical arrangements for security—including armed escorts—for rural speeches and gatherings.
  • Biographical and autobiography sources repeatedly note that the recruitment and mobilization of young men in rural areas occurred through both public meetings and smaller, more direct approaches, sometimes in village inns or community halls.

Newspaper Coverage:

  • Journals like the Völkischer Beobachter frequently reported on “courageous” party visits to small towns, with article headlines underscoring the presence of “brown-shirted sentinels” and party leaders “defying Bolshevik intimidation” on behalf of the peasantry.

Local Oral Histories and Community Archives

Rural case studies—most notably those from well-documented villages like Oberstdorf in the Bavarian Alps—suggest a gradual process of Nazi paramilitary normalization in small-town life. These sources frequently mention:

  • The arrival of SA (or, in the 1930s, Hitler Youth and SS) in local marketplaces, torchlit parades, and the regular presence of uniformed “Brownshirts” in village events.
  • A combination of initial resistance (especially in deeply Catholic communities) and eventual acceptance, often driven by the promise of protection or the desire to avoid being marked as enemies of the new order.

The Oberstdorf archives, for example, contain not only institutional records but also diaries, letters, and memoirs describing how villagers reacted, either out of fear or opportunistic conformity, to the often-menacing pageantry and security rhetoric that accompanied Nazi outreach.


The Role of the Freikorps and Nazi Paramilitary Transformation

A crucial element in explaining the phenomenon of militarized visits and promises of security in villages is the continuity between the Freikorps, the SA, and—later—the SS. Many early Nazi functionaries, including SA and SS leaders, cut their teeth in the paramilitary violence of the Freikorps era.

  • The Freikorps were notorious for their harsh suppression of leftist uprisings in the countryside, often employing machine guns, armored cars, and bulk firepower to impose order.
  • As the Nazi Party gained ground, many disbanded Freikorps members formed the nucleus of local SA chapters, which maintained practices of armed demonstration, intimidation, and the explicit offer of “security” in areas where local police forces were weak or hostile.

The inheritance of weapons, uniforms, and martial ritual from the Freikorps to the SA is well documented, including the famous reuse of brown “Lettow shirts” as SA uniforms. Such displays of paramilitary hardware were meant to both reassure frightened locals and terrorize opponents—real or imagined.


Promises of Protection and Rural Political Strategy

Comparative Analysis: Communist vs. Nazi Paramilitary Tactics

The rural “protection” promise was not unique to the Nazi movement. Both Communists (KPD, via the Roter Frontkämpferbund/RFB) and Nazis (via the SA and local front organizations) made extensive use of paramilitary intimidation in the villages. These rival groups:

  • Organized “security” escorts for speakers and local party figures.
  • Engaged in confrontations, processions, and torchlit rallies in and around small towns.
  • Each accused the other of plotting attacks on rural property, livestock, and village order, thus justifying their own armed presence and building narratives of imminent danger.

Paramilitary Displays and the 'Machine Gun' Question

While references to machine guns should not be interpreted as evidence that every visit by Nazi activists to a village involved heavy armament, it is absolutely clear from numerous police reports, press descriptions, and even photographs from the period that early paramilitary marches and interventions routinely included displays of firepower. This was a legacy of the world war and the Freikorps period, where surplus military equipment was widespread and militia men were well-practiced in its use:

  • The Bayern Landespolizei of the early 1920s maintained specialized units equipped with machine guns and armored cars for 'restoring order'—deployments not infrequently performed in rural centers.
  • Major political assassinations (e.g., that of Foreign Minister Walther Rathenau in 1922) were carried out with machine guns in public places, often by members of former Freikorps or emergent Nazi cells, underscoring the normalization of such weapons in right-wing activism.
  • Paramilitary parades, especially in 1922–23, were routinely armed to the teeth when traveling through potentially hostile or contested villages.

Hitler’s Personal Appearances in Rural Bavaria

While the Nazi Party’s image was largely crafted through mass urban meetings and newspaper accounts, there is evidence—direct and circumstantial—of Hitler’s personal engagement with rural supporters in the early 1920s:

  • Multiple reports and memoirs document Hitler’s periodic residence at Obersalzberg, near Berchtesgaden, from 1922 onward, where he held private meetings in local guesthouses with regional followers and influential supporters.
  • According to biographical research and photographic archives, Hitler’s early speaking circuit included stops in small communities near Munich—Kaufbeuren, Landsberg, Bad Tölz, and others—where he sought to cultivate local roots and establish legitimacy among the peasantry.

While these trips were often surrounded by a small security contingent—at first ad hoc (friends from the war carrying pistols or clubs), but later more formalized with the SA and, for Hitler himself by 1923, the Stoßtrupp-Hitler (a personal guard unit)—there is less concrete evidence that Hitler himself, as opposed to his followers, directly participated in “protection” offers or heavily armed processions into outlying villages. However, as early as 1923, the formation of the Stoßtrupp indicates Hitler’s conscious adaptation of the militarized, symbolic bodyguard to rural as well as urban settings.


Rural Outreach, Propaganda, and Mobilization

Propaganda Aimed at Farmers

By the mid-1920s (and dramatically increasing after 1928), the Nazi Party refined its message and tactics to attract rural voters. This included clear statements about the need to “show ourselves in the villages,” systematic “farmer training weeks,” the dissemination of rural-focused Nazi periodicals, and the careful blending of national and local themes. Speeches delivered in rural settings by Hitler, Streicher, and other party notables were tailored to the fears and aspirations of the peasantry: fears of foreclosure, economic crisis, “Bolshevik” violence, and the threat of rural decline.

Electoral Patterns and Rural Support

Academic studies and electoral data demonstrate that the Nazi voting breakthrough followed years of rural outreach in which the party’s activists, including paramilitary spokesmen, promised to champion farmers’ interests and defend rural order. The NSDAP’s most successful rural inroads came in Protestant regions, affected by agricultural economic crises and marked by the failure of traditional agrarian parties to provide convincing solutions.


Local Government and Police Records: Paramilitary Visits and Impact

The response of local authorities in rural Bavaria to Nazi paramilitary activity ranged from wary tolerance (often, officials were conservative nationalists themselves) to outspoken concern. Police records from the period document:

  • Repeated clashes between Nazi “security squads” and supporters of rival parties or Communist organizations.
  • Complaints by local officials about the disruptive effect of “outsider” paramilitary processions through quiet villages.
  • A pattern by which Nazi groups would promise protection (from communists, Jews, or urban subversives) to villagers, sometimes offering to provide “security” at fairs, dances, church events, or meetings, and thereby gain a foothold in the community.

Records also indicate that the lines between legal militias, police, and Nazi squads were at times blurred. In the early 1920s, several local defense units (Einwohnerwehr or state police) had strong Freikorps or nationalist leanings, and it was not uncommon for the same individuals to alternate roles as police, party activists, and ‘volunteer protectors’ in the countryside.


Eyewitness Testimony and Oral Histories

Oral history collections—such as those preserved at the Wiener Holocaust Library and regional German oral history archives—contain dozens of testimonies by villagers recalling the early presence of Nazi paramilitary men, their uniforms, processions, recruitment attempts, and security promises.

  • Interviewees often describe a climate of “fear and excitement” generated by the intimidating appearance of Brownshirts, marching with weapons or conducting training exercises nearby.
  • Some recall Nazi activists visiting farms or village halls, warning of impending Communist uprisings, and courting support by offering to protect the local community.
  • There are references—though often secondhand or with some narrative embellishment—to Hitler himself being present, at least in the larger meetings held in local fest halls or market squares.

The reliability of individual memory can be difficult to gauge, but the convergence of multiple narrative sources underscores the regularity of these events and their impact on community perceptions of security and political allegiance.


Regional Case Studies: Early NSDAP Influence in Small Towns

Oberstdorf (Allgäu, Bavaria)

The case of Oberstdorf, detailed extensively in village archives, contemporary memoirs, and recent scholarship, provides an intimate portrait of the Nazi ascent in a rural, Catholic setting:

  • Early resistance by the devoutly Catholic population delayed Nazi encroachment until the late 1920s.
  • By the eve of the Nazi seizure of power, drastic events such as torchlit paramilitary rallies, swastika symbols on local peaks, and the visible presence of armed Storm Troopers became normative—even in a village resistant to Nazi ideology.
  • The promise of protection and the fear of being without security (exacerbated by rumors of violence from rival parties) played a central role in transforming local attitudes.

Lower Bavaria

Studies of Lower Bavarian peasant communities reveal that NSDAP’s rural breakthrough owed much to the disillusionment with traditional conservative elites and the allure of radical solutions championed aggressively by party activists. Paramilitary displays of strength and order, including armed village appearances, reinforced the sense of Nazi competence and local engagement against perceived threats, spurring eventual support.


The Evolution of Hitler’s Personal Security Units

By 1923, Hitler recognized the need for a dedicated bodyguard unit—distinct from the broader SA—for his personal safety, both in the city and on his rural journeys. The Stoßtrupp-Hitler (Shock Troop–Hitler) was created as an elite guard, composed largely of trusted veterans and Freikorps men, and equipped (at least on prominent occasions) with rifles, pistols, and, as needed, heavier firepower. This small detail underscores that, when Hitler traveled—and especially when visiting potentially dangerous environments (including some rural areas)—he was accompanied by armed men whose presence was part of the performance of strength and protection.

After the suppression of the Beer Hall Putsch and Hitler’s imprisonment, the SA and Hitler’s bodyguard units were briefly disbanded; but upon reestablishment, the pattern of armed protection continued, evolving into the formation of the SS and other elite security details.


Comparative Paramilitary Dynamics: SA, RFB, Stahlhelm, and Others

The Nazi strategy of assuming the role of village protector was mirrored and contested by other contemporary paramilitary organizations. The Communist Roter Frontkämpferbund (RFB), Reichsbanner Schwarz-Rot-Gold (Republican defenders), and the right-wing Stahlhelm (Steel Helmet veterans’ association) all engaged in displays of force, processions, and the extension of “security” to local populations, leading to recurrent clashes—sometimes literally street or village square battles.

The SA’s greater success in Bavaria and southern Germany, compared to their Communist rivals (who were banned or struggled for official recognition for much of the 1920s), contributed to their dominance as both a political and a psychological force in the countryside.


Academic Assessments and Synthesis

Leading historians of the Nazi period argue convincingly that the party’s early rural success must be read as a complex interplay of propaganda, intimidation, promises of security, and the disruptive deployment of violence (or its threat). Scholarly syntheses further stress:

  • The importance of regional context—Nazi tactics were specifically adapted to local fears, religious traditions, and economic circumstances, resulting in highly variable acceptance or resistance at the village level.
  • The “machine gun” or heavily armed imagery was both a real and a symbolic element: sometimes literal, sometimes a myth undergirded by selective real episodes, but always effective as a trope for the Nazi claim to be the only party truly capable of imposing order and protecting the traditional way of life against chaos.
  • Rural support, once achieved, endured longer than urban enthusiasm for National Socialism and was more likely to resist subsequent attempts at denazification after 1945.

Conclusions

The question motivating this report—whether there are historical records or credible accounts of Hitler and his paramilitary followers visiting small villages with machine guns and promising protection—should be answered with careful nuance:

  • Direct, personal documentation of Hitler himself marching into every village with machine guns in tow is limited. However, strong, multi-source evidence substantiates that the early Nazi Party (and its leader, at times) engaged in systematically organized, armed parades, meetings, and outreach events in rural Bavarian and German villages from the early 1920s onward.

  • Memoirs, police and government reports, village archives, and press coverage consistently indicate that the SA, often accompanied by prominent Nazi figures, visited small communities, sometimes in full militarized regalia. Displays of arms—including machine guns—were not rare, both as practical measures for self-defense in a still-violent political scene and as potent symbols to overawe hesitant or hostile villagers.

  • The central narrative of offering protection from Communists, Jews, and other purported threats was key to Nazi rural strategy. Promises made by armed men were both welcome and intimidating, depending on local context, but always aimed at establishing the party as the indispensable guarantor of order.

  • Comparative analysis demonstrates that such tactics were part of a broader pattern of Weimar paramilitary politics, but the Nazis, building on the Freikorps tradition, proved most adept at integrating armed display with rural propaganda and local organization. Their success ultimately depended less on the literal importation of machine gun squads to every village, and more on the sense of power, stability, and “German order” these displays projected.

  • The anecdotal accounts collected from villagers and subsequent generations align with the documented historical record: the early Nazi movement relied on shock, spectacle, and the militarization of politics to win over—if not always the hearts—then the acquiescence of Germany’s rural communities.

By understanding the hyper-local, militarized strategies of early Nazism, scholars and the public gain a clearer picture not only of how National Socialism gained traction, but of how narratives of fear, order, and promise can reshape societies from the village square outward.


Summary Table: Evidence and Themes

Source TypeEvidence of Paramilitary Rural VisitsEvidence of Hitler’s Personal ParticipationPromises of ProtectionUse of Machine Guns/Heavy Arms
Police Reports & Official RecordsExtensive documentation of SA/Freikorps/paramilitary rural meetings; mentions of “armed escorts”Rarely specifies Hitler’s direct presence in every event; confirms some rural speeches by HitlerFrequent references to protection from communists, “order” promisesNot uncommon; more prevalent with Freikorps and early postwar units, some mentions with SA
Contemporary Newspapers (e.g., Völkischer Beobachter)Detailed reports on Nazi parades and rural eventsReports on Hitler’s rural speaking circuit; evidence of visits to villages and small townsPropaganda emphasis on Hitler/SA as protectors of German peasantryOccasional mention, often implied as symbol of power
Memoirs, Eyewitness TestimonyMemories of Brownshirt visits; local gossip of “Hitler’s men with weapons”Some first/second-hand claims of Hitler speaking in rural venues; more common for regional leadersRecounts of “protection” offers, oath-taking ceremonies, and community pressureReports vary; firepower often part of intimidation
Academic AnalysisConfirms pattern of rural outreach, militarization of politics, and local paramilitary displayAdvocates caution: not every legend is literal, but pattern is consistent with available evidenceIdentifies protection/authority as core element of Nazi rural strategySynthesizes period images, reports, and artifacts

In sum: The dominant historical consensus is that the early rise of the Nazi Party in rural Germany, particularly in Bavaria, was inseparable from the visible, armed presence of paramilitary formations, including select personal appearances by Hitler. The centrality of promises of protection—sometimes accompanied by machine guns—and the fusion of militarized spectacle with rural outreach played a formative role in remaking rural German society for National Socialism. While the specter of Hitler himself marching through every village with machine guns in hand may be memory’s exaggeration, it grows from the solid roots of documented practice, performance, and the unique intersection of violence and politics in a traumatized nation. That's a fascinating and intense anecdote. I've started a deep research task to investigate whether there are any historical records or credible accounts of Adolf Hitler and his early followers visiting small German villages in the early 1920s, armed and offering protection. This will take me several minutes, so feel free to step away — I’ll keep working in the background. Your report will be saved in this conversation.



Adolf Hitler, from Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.
'...Around this time, Hitler made his earliest known recorded statement about the Jews in a letter (now known as the Gemlich letter) dated 16 September 1919 to Adolf Gemlich about the Jewish question. In the letter, Hitler argues that the aim of the government "must unshakably be the removal of the Jews altogether"

Anne Frank Life in Germany Hitlers antisemitism
Quote: It is difficult to pinpoint one single trigger for Adolf Hitler’s antisemitism, but three key reasons can be identified: the anti-Jewish climate in pre-war Vienna, Germany’s defeat in the First World War and Hitler’s belief that some races were superior and others inferior Unquote


[Sue:] Right. 

[Me:] And then it builds up, you know, like 20 or 30 years later, all that revenge comes back, Right? And there's another war. Yeah. 


[Sue:] So back to evil. And you don't think it exists? 


[Me:] Well, I tried to think about why, like, when I was seven years old, I had a near-death experience. A very, very short one. Hmm. But I knew that there were certain people there in my near-death experience. My uncle, who had been killed, like, two years earlier, he was killed in Britain by an in an accident while he was in the U.S. Army. Mm hmm. And he told me things like that were going to happen in the next 20 years. And they all happened. 

https://iands.org/ndes/about-ndes/common-aftereffects.html Around eighty percent of the people who experienced near-death states claimed that their lives were forever changed by what happened to them. On closer examination, though, a pattern of surprising dimensions emerged. Experiencers were not returning with just a renewed zest for life and a more spiritual outlook. They were evidencing specific psychological and physiological differences on a scale never before faced by them. And this was true with child experiencers, as well as with teenagers and adults.

[Sue:] Mm hmm. 

[Me:] So to me, that is our reality. There's a true reality there, an awareness of things as they actually happen. But the physical cosmos is so locked up, it's like 18 billion years or 14 billion years old. 

[Sue:] Mm hmm. 

[Me:] And nothing new has happened in it. So there has to be a new set of experiences. Every nanosecond there's a reality somewhere. The true reality. There's an infinite set of experiences that never repeat themselves. But everything in the physical cosmos repeats itself for billions and billions of years. 


[Sue:] Do you think it's, like, predetermined or predestined? 


[Me:] The true reality is not. It's where boredom can't exist. But in the physical reality, there's nothing here but boredom. Because what you look at the night sky, you can be excited, especially if you're a scientist or a cosmologist or an astronomer. The night sky is beautiful and gives all kinds of inspiration that you can study. 14 billion years of history. But it's all a canned bunch of nonsense. It just happened. I think the Big Bang was actually an accident. Two other membranes caused the Big Bang and our visible cosmos was a result. I am not sure if I answered the question. 


Dark energy is the product of quantum universe interaction 

By Artyom Yurov  and Valerian Yurov.


Is the universe a quantum object? 


'...we now know that the universe is about 13-14 billion years old. In its early infancy, the universe has undergone a mind-blowingly fast expansion, aptly named “the cosmological inflation” (the term borrowed from the economy). In a fraction of a second, a region of space the size of a pin head and weighing 1 milligram, had exploded in size, forming an entire observable universe. Such a rapid expansion has radically smoothed the distribution of matter in the region, making the universe extremely homogeneous and isotropic. Accidentally, this turned our universe into a relatively simple object of study, named an FLRW universe -- an acronym lovingly assembled out of family names of four mathematicians who first studied such universes: Alexander Friedman (USSR), Georges Lemaître (Belgium), Howard Robinson (USA) and Arthur Walker (UK)...'


[Sue:] No, but you keep opening new ones. 


[Me:] Oh, I was afraid of that. 

[Sue:] Okay, then let's go for reality. You said there's a true reality. What do you mean by that? 


[Me:] Well, at first I'd say about the past two months, my ideas have changed about that. I was thinking that the physical cosmos has this true reality in it, that everything in the physical reality could change because of this true reality. But now I don't. I don't think that anymore. I think the physical reality is just stuck in this huge 13 billion light year egg. So I think reality is there's a nonphysical awareness that we are actually experiencing, but it happens so fast, an infinite set of experiences. You can't put that into a human intelligence. Mm hmm. But it's happening. Something other than our physical cosmos exists, which I call the the Infinite Mind or the infinite universe. And it's actually a concept now in cosmology. Andrei Linde. https://profiles.stanford.edu/andrei-linde The most, I think, well respected cosmologist today who is writing calls it the Eternal Universe. There's an infinite fractal set of potential big bangs, and all of them have spawned in the past forever, and they'll spawn in the future forever. And we're stuck in this one little part of the infinite universe that we call a universe. But it's really just one cosmos. 

[Sue:] So you think we're just in one little piece of it? 

[Me:] Well, it's not even a piece. It's an infinite set of broken pieces. So that's why my my whole movie script is based on that idea that the Big Bang was an accident. It broke the grand unity. All the scientists today are looking for this grand, unified theory. 

[Sue:] Mm hmm. 

[Me:] They have to go back to the Big Bang, because that's where I think there was a relative sense of something at the point of the Big Bang. But our Big bang just created one small slice of reality. It is a reality, but it's artificial, meaning that it's our sensory perception. We can see it and touch it. 

[Sue:] Mm hmm. Why do you say artificial.
 
[Me:] For example Anything that humans build I would call it an artificial structure. 

[Sue:] Mm hmm. 

[Me:] Nature didn't build it, but humans built it. So whatever was built out of the Big Bang was built by what I consider now to be a pure accident. Two other membranes, or how many other collisions might have occurred at once, whether it was just one big bang, which I consider now the string theory as an infinite set of strings, the smallest concept that you can imagine is much, much smaller than the Planck's constant, which originally, sometime in the 20th century, Planck discovered that we will never be able to look at anything with scientific instruments or whatever, you know, physically beyond Planck's constant. But what I'm saying is beyond Planck's constant, there's an infinitesimally small item which I call the graviton ring, a closed string of energy. And when that close string of energy breaks, it becomes open and sticks on to something. And then time happens because there's two observers of that. There's a person who sees the object and there's the object itself. So my question right now for me and in my own podcast is can the universe observe me? If there's an infinite mind that we all share, it can't belong to anyone. It can't be divided up. It's intangible. So does it observe me? And I would say, yes. It observes everything, Everything physical. 


https://science.howstuffworks.com/dictionary/physics-terms/plancks-constant.htm

What Is Planck's Constant, and Why Does the Universe Depend on It? - HowStuffWorks

https://quantumgravityresearch.org/videos

Biocentrism is a new 'Theory of Everything' proposed by American scientist Robert Lanza. Robert Lanza biocentrism



Physics of the universe
Quote: "Cosmos" is just another word for universe, and "cosmology" is the study of the origin, evolution and fate of the universe - a bewildering variety of theories and ideas - Brahmanda (Cosmic Egg) Universe - Anaxagorian Universe - Atomist Universe Unquote and many many more :)

YouTube video Assistant Professor Chao-Lin Kuo surprises Professor Andrei Linde with evidence supporting cosmic inflation theory.


What Is (And Isn’t) Scientific About The Multiverse

Stanford Cosmic Inflation

How old is the universe?

PBS Plancks constant
By saying we would never be able to see anything smaller than Planck's, I think I was referring to something I read about the ability for example to use electrons to see anything larger than an electron, so if Planck's energy string is the smallest entity, then there would be nothing we could use to see any dimensions or entities smaller than Planck's.


Alan Watts
'No valid plans for the future can be made by those who have no capacity for living now.' — Alan Watts
Alan Watts is one of the most widely read philosophers of the 20th century. In addition to his 28 books, Alan Watts delivered hundreds of public lectures and seminars the recordings of which have been preserved in the archives...

NASA Mathematical Thinking the observer
Quote: In quantum mechanics, the observer and the system being observed became mysteriously linked Unquote

[Sue:] Is that your image of a god force? 

[Me:] I wouldn't call it that because there's just like a billion misconceptions of god. And that was what my my last podcast was trying to say, that if there is any type of God, it can only be that nonphysical awareness, but it can't be individualized. There can't be an individual God. There could be the other observer would be this nonphysical awareness, but that other observer could never own the awareness. And there's no such thing as omnipotence. There's nothing was ever created and nothing is ever destroyed. It just changes shape. And when it changes, that's when time becomes a factor that whoever observes the change becomes Einstein's observer. And what I believe is the observer and the physical thing that the observer is looking at. They're both the same thing in sort of like the simplest Zen Buddhism of Alan Watts: you are the experience and you are the experiencer. They cannot be separate. It's like the yin and yang. They're connected. So my last podcast, I really opened my own mind to what I think about this is that there has to be two observers for anything to exist, but there is an infinite set of observers, and then there's an infinite set of the observed. The observed is the physical, tangible stuff, just as real is as the observer. But they can't be separated. 

[Sue:] OK. I'm trying to get my mind around it. I'm not sure I've got that yet. I'm trying to picture how you view them. The universe or the eternal universe? 

[Me:] Yeah. The infinite mind cannot observe itself because it's an observer. It's not the observed. 

[Sue:] What is the infinite mind? 

[Me:] It's how we are aware. How we are aware right now of anything. We are that infinite mind. That's the awareness that we all share. But it doesn't have an existence, so to speak. It's not tangible. It's a how and not a who. 

[Sue:] Mm hmm. 

[Me:] Our physical presence is a who, but there is no who in the awareness. It's just how. How we are aware of who we are. 


[Sue:] So what you picture outside of the physical universe, then you said that there's this awareness. 


[Me:] Well, the awareness itself, it doesn't have a physical location or anything. It is everywhere. It is everything. 

[Sue:] Mm hmm. 

[Me:] But the physical cosmos, to me, it's like a the tiniest electron compared to the cosmos itself. So our cosmos is the tiniest thing in the universe. There's a literal, physical, tangible universe outside of our cosmos that is also infinite. It may not have anything similar to our cosmos. It may have completely different laws of physics. It may have no laws of physics, but it has some physical tangibility that makes it an observed event or an observed what's called now information. The current scientists don't say there's anything other than information in the physical reality. We're observing the information in the first place, and when that information becomes something solid or tangible, it just carries its information in that form. 

[Sue:] Hmm. 

[Me:] The way I use an example is there's an infinite set of continuums. You can define yourself as a total freethinker. You can define yourself on any continuum. You can define yourself as an infinite mind with absolute intangibility. Or you can go along that whole continuum down to a you are a physical body with no intangible stuff, and that in there's usually atheists at that end will say, there's nothing intangible. My physical body, when I die, I die. And that's the end of it. And the other end is where the infinite mind and everything is intangible. You might be Hindu or a Buddhist or some eastern religion or even some contemplative Catholics would say the Holy Spirit or whatever their concept is, doesn't come into reality. Only something a messiah like Christ would come into reality in the physical reality. But the Holy Spirit could never be made out of a physical thing. So there's always that continuum. But that's not the only continuum. There's a billion other ways to think of yourself as something, star stuff. As Carl Sagan used to say, We're all made out of star stuff. 

[Sue:] So you think these are choices that we make? It's just a million ways to view ourselves. 

[Me:] Yeah, it's how we see ourselves. It's only a how. Yeah. The continuums are only a how to observe yourself. 

[Sue:] Mm hmm. 

[Me:] How you choose to observe yourself, though, changes everything. I'm not an atheist. I'm not a theist. I'm not an agnostic. I consider myself an absolute freethinker. There is nothing that I cannot observe. And there's nothing that I can't conceive of myself as being in the observed. So I could be anything. I could be a particle that has no mass. I believe that Alan Watts had at least one thing right. Which was: that we are the whole universe. You can't separate yourself from any part of the physical cosmos or anything else that's beyond that. Where else would you go? 

[Sue:] So do you think what we experience is a continuum? You know, you talked about all the infinite possibilities, and this universe is just this tiny little speck. But is this kind of a continuum or are we still having multiple parallel universes all at the same time and we may be jumping between them or something like that? 

[Me:] Oh, that's an interesting question. Yeah, I. Think what happens is in this inflationary cosmology is any of the big bangs will just continue to expand so they all expand into infinity. An infinite number have already expanded into infinity and our physical cosmos will also expand into infinity. But they don't necessarily collide with each other. And I would say from our evidence, they don't collide with each other for billions of years. There's not been a collision that we know of in our physical cosmos for 13 billion years. So the chances are that the other infinite set of physical membranes can coincide with each other because their physics are very different. So we're already there. We already have the infinite set of expanded big bangs or however they, you know, the physical sets of membranes expand or conceive of themselves. They've already expanded. So we're already present in that infinity. 

[Sue:] Mm hmm. But do you think we're kind of contained to this one? 

[Me:] No. Like I said, I think ours is just, it's been talking to itself for 13 billion years. 

[Sue:] Mm hmm. 

[Me:] And it's time that we matured out of that concept and realized that there's an infinite set of other physical membranes. And there's probably a lot of other extraterrestrials with sentience other than ourselves just in our own physical cosmos. 

[Sue:] Mm hmm. 

[Me:] Any of those physical cosmos would all have the same basic observer, which is a how and not a who. We're all aware of the physical set. 

[Sue:] But you think we can cross between them? Could we experience another universe? 

[Me:] That's what I'm saying. We already do. 

[Sue:] We really do. We just don't know. 

[Me:] Well, no, you can't translate it because how would you put it into a human form or human intelligence? There is an infinite set already existing, and they're infinitely changing. Every smaller than a nanosecond. There's an infinite set of infinite stuff happening all the time. It's impossible as a human, to ever put a single word or picture on any of that. 

[Sue:] Well, then what is a human? 

[Me:] I would say it's an observed portion of our physical cosmos. But that's why I mentioned Alan Watts, because his whole idea was very simple. We are the entire set of everything. We cannot separate ourselves from it. Even if you just consider it as the physical cosmos, which is 13 billion light years across or whatever it is. 

[Sue:] Mm hmm. 

[Me:] You still can't separate yourself from that physical cosmos. So either you are the whole thing or you don't exist. 

[Sue:] Right. But you can't experience the whole cosmos, can you? 

[Me:] I would say yes. You can. You can experience it as an awareness, but you can't translate it into human intelligence. 

[Sue:] As a human. Why do you think we are this little limited piece? You know, we can only carve out so much? 

[Me:] Oh, as a physical aspect, because this is what I've just come across in my last podcast. That is the tiniest aspect of both the physical cosmos and the intangible universe. Every single aspect of it is an observer and and observed. It's all integrated. It's not like I am a single human observing a 13 billion light year cosmos. It's more like I'm an infinite mind, observing every single piece of the whole infinity. 

[Sue:] But most humans can only tap into such a tiny portion of that. Why do you think that is? 

[Me:] Yeah, that's why I mentioned the continuum. If you think of yourself as only that physical human body, you can't shut off your infinite awareness. The people who do that say that I'm only a physical body, and when I die, I die. They just love Carl Sagan Or, you know, somebody who shows them this infinite set. Well, how do you separate yourself from that infinite set? 


[Sue:] But it seems to me that at least from our personal awarenesses, we don't expand well, you know, you can only expand so far. And then it's like, oh, I got to go eat, you know? So there does seem to be some limits, whether they're self-imposed or not. And I'm kind of curious, why do you think that is? 


[Me:] Oh, well, it is because it is. You know, that's one of the continuums. One of the points in the continuum is that you can sort of like drop out. You can have your privacy, you can hide somewhere, but it's only one set of one part of one continuum. 

[Sue:] Do you think that's a good thing that we can you know, drop out, privacy, that's a good thing? 

[Me:] Yeah. One of my concepts is. As in the infinite set of observers and observed, there is no such thing as polarity. In the physical reality. There's polarity because things can get destroyed physically, but in an intangible awareness, nothing is created and nothing is destroyed as that observer. So there's no polarity in the observer, except that you can't separate the observer from the observed. So you still have to respect the observed. In other words, you have to keep order and morality in your physical life, even though it's not separate from the rest of the infinity, it's still the only thing that we have as humans. So it's extremely important. That is. Oh, shoot, I forgot what the question was. 


[Sue:] I think we're so far from the question. It's like, let's just keep going, see where it goes. I guess I was still trying to understand what being human is in this info. 

[Me:] Oh, yeah, it being human is a result of the Big Bang. Everything that we know of physically, including our humanity, is a result of the Big Bang. But it's one physical aspect, a tiny physical speck in the entire infinite set of things. 

[Sue:] Right. But this awareness that is in this human body. Well, yeah. Well, how do you view that? 


[Me:] Well, it's not in the human body. That human body is the observed portion of the union, and there's a consciousness that is attached to it. Everyone, everyone who says that they're only a human body, how do they know that? They have to have a point of view that observes that human body, which is a thought experiment which doesn't need to prove or disprove it, can't have a prove or disprove. How are you aware that you have a human body if you're human? If the body was all by itself somewhere, it wouldn't be aware of itself. So there is an awareness of being human. It's just for some reason, we're stuck and thinking that that's the only aspect of ourselves. 

[Sue:] And do you think we're individual consciousnesses? Well, I think I am Me. But is that true? Am I separate? Is my consciousness separate? You know. 

[Me:] Everyone is an observed aspect of reality and everyone is an observing aspect of reality. So we observe ourselves and we observe everything else. What I'm saying, though, is the individuation of a human or however you perceive yourself as being as a separate entity that's a part of the observed or the physical or tangible set, but they can't be separated from the awareness because if you didn't have the intangible awareness of yourself as being tangible, you wouldn't even know that you exist. 

[Sue:] Hmm. But I guess I'm now trying to go after the awareness part of it. It's like, what is that awareness? Are there all kinds of individual consciousnesses running around, or are they all part of one super mind or?


[Me:] No, I would say it's only a how. It's. It's not an object. If it were an object, it could be observed. So the observer or the awareness or any type of sentience, it has no physical aspect to itself except in the sense of being observed. It can't separate itself from the observation. 

[Sue:] Mm hmm. 

[Me:] So to try to pinpoint it, to make a place or a person or a thing out of the awareness is impossible. 

[Sue:] Okay. I could take that so many ways. Trying to decide if I should go back to the questions or pursue this some more. Well, let's. Let's go back to those a little bit. Just to get a little sense of you. What makes you the saddest about life? 

[Me:] I think seeing other people destroy themselves in some way. A lot of the people that I interviewed for drug abuse treatment outcome and who in my interviewing in my nuclear family, for example, my sister had a child with Leukodystrophy who died at the age of three and. She just went into the whole drug abuse thing and was basically trying to kill herself because she couldn't live with that idea. And I met a lot of people in the drug abuse community that had that same kind of exact same scenario. You know, they had a child with Down's Syndrome or they had their own profound neurological damage. 

[Sue:] So a person destroying themselves makes you sad. 

[Me:] Well, trying to destroy themselves. I don't think it's possible to be destroyed because we are the awareness. Essentially, we are the observer. 

[Sue:] So what you think is sad is just the suffering or that they don't realize there is more? 


[Me:] I'm not sure. I think it's because they're focusing only on the physical aspect of life. And that's why I said what I think evil might be is trying to perfect the physical in any way. It doesn't matter if it's Hitler or who it is. If you focus only on perfecting the physical, which has to be perfected, you have to address it. You have to make it the best it can be. But if you see that as the only thing that exists is the physical, then eventually you end up into some kind of end time philosophy. You know, the world is going to end because you can't isolate that physical aspect of yourself and say that's all there is to it. 

[Sue:] Don't you think that's hard? 

[Me:] It's impossible.

[Sue:] But hard to step outside of the physical. But yeah, you know, I think people, they do get trapped in that. But I think it's insanely hard to see beyond that. We're so into the physical life. 


[Me:] Yeah, I don't think you can separate yourself from the physical life, That's why I've donated my whole body to at least two or three different organizations. Because, you know, I see my physicality as something that's part of the whole. It doesn't really belong to me. It doesn't belong in some casket or some grave somewhere. It needs to be in a test tube or in a medical school cadaver or on the plastination exhibit so people can see what human reality is actually like, 

[Sue:] Okay, so then what makes you happiest about life? 

[Me:] Kind of the same. The idea that if a person thinks of themselves as being able to exist as any part of any continuum, they have some freedom of thought. 

[Sue:] Mm hmm. 

[Me:] Because what I see, I only go out into the community when I shop or visit my family. But every single time I go out, there's an obsessed person there. You know, I'm like a magnet for these people. It's been happening my whole life, and I'm sure everybody has the same experience. You go out there and there's somebody there says, Oh, the world is going and the world is going to end. Jesus is coming back. And, you know, if you lived in some place in the Middle East or Far East, they would say the same thing. The Mahdi, you know,  is coming back in Islam to kill all the unbelievers and all this blabbing about the end times. 

[Sue:] I'm still going to keep asking this because I'm still ... How do you think you can step out of that? How do you step out of that physicality only? 

[Me:] I think it's just realizing that there are  continuums. The person who really put all the terminology on this for me, about a little over ten years ago, I met Phyllis Atwater, who's a near-death researcher. 


[Sue:] Mm hmm. 

[Me:] And she said that near-death experiences are not necessary to change all of the things that happen in the most profound near-death experience can happen in everyday life. All you have to do is realize that you have this sort of continuum. You can change anything you want in those continuums as the observer, but trying to change it as the physical observed part of it, it has to be done. But like you say, it's so slow, slow, so tedious to do it from the physical point of view. 

[Sue:] Mm hmm. 

[Me:] If you have the idea that you can change something about your life profoundly, change what you believe or what you think or how you see other people, then you already have an infinite set of choices. You have a literal free thought. 

[Sue:] Hmm. I guess the thing I keep wrestling with, though, is is the how. Because it just seems so hard. Unless you directly experience something like a near-death experience or something that kind of frees you from the physical, it's really hard to believe in it. 

[Me:] Yeah, that's my point, though. There's nothing to believe in. You already have it now. That's, I think, another definition of evil, I might add, would be the person who wants to put all kinds of crappy nonsense religious bullshit and stuff on the physical and nonphysical reality. It is what it is. It doesn't change. You don't have to die or go to heaven or believe in Christ or believe in anything except pay attention. Pay attention to your awareness of everything and pay attention to yourself as an individual. 

[Sue:] Hmm. So what do you think happens after your physical body dies? What do you think happens to your awareness? 


[Me:] Absolutely nothing. It's exactly the same as it always was and always will be right now. That's my point. And I'm not saying that any kind of ritual or any kind of religion is bad. Just the opposite. I think most people couldn't survive without some dogmatic beliefs. Mm hmm. They can't do what I do as a hobby or as an almost as a non thought. I can conceive of myself as absolutely free. Most people can't. I can't even imagine what would make people do that. But if they're in a culture where if they drop out and say they don't believe in Catholicism, if they're in a literal community like a monk or a Catholic Convent or something, and they say they don't believe they may get thrown out. And there's, I think, a parallel in reality, too, because there are many communities and all these ethnic enclaves where if you deny whatever that ethnic enclave supports, you may be out. 

[Sue:] Why do you think people put those limitations on? There are all these religious dogmas and belief structures. 


[Me:] Yeah, I would say it's just because the simple mistake is it's so easy to make, you know, that there is nothing except the physical and you are nothing except yourself as an individual. And once you do that, then you have an infinite set of mistakes available to you. And 
everything you can believe or conceive of from that point on is going to be an illusion. 

[Sue:] Hmm. So does anything scare you? 

[Me:] I don't think so. No. No, because I've seen everything happen to everyone. Everything that could happen. I've seen it happen. 


[Sue:] The wisdom of age. 

[Me:] In the first. Well, the first seven years of my life was World War Two. Right. They didn't censor anything. And there was no censorship possible because there was no TV. There was basically no movie houses that owned everything, you know, like owned all the information. There was no information. News giant like Rupert Murdoch or Ted Turner to manage the news. You just went to some church or some local group who had the movies and you saw literally right in front of you the 50 million people being murdered by Hitler, by whoever. So I've seen everything. Maybe that's forced some of my silly ideas, too. But I think also I'm probably correct in saying that we're an intangible observer of all of that. 

[Sue:] Mm hmm. Do you think your life has a meaning or purpose? Your personal life? 


[Me:] In a sense, yeah. I think there is. There's an aspect of life that I call absolute goodness, and that's probably the purpose of life. But how to achieve that? I think if you try to achieve it directly, you sort of get into all this egotism, like just being a US Congressman or one of these Christian evangelists on TV or something. You just know that they're going to go down the tubes one of these times because they base it all on their ego rather than common awareness. 

[Sue:] So what do you think Good is? This absolute goodness.

[Me:] Well, I would say it's the absence of the polarity in the observer. The observer doesn't become the observed, ever. If you become the observed, I think that's where you lose your capacity as being intangible and being a how, and you start being something that tampers with other people. That's where I think problems start happening. 


[Sue:] Right. But goodness is what, the freedom to be what? 


[Me:] In fact, I've never thought of that, actually. But I would say from the point of view that we're talking right at this moment, the only aspect of goodness that could possibly exist in my little concept here is for me to show other people how they're able to be free in their thoughts or free as an observer. 

[Sue:] Mm hmm. 

[Me:] And then there isn't anything that goes wrong in that set because it's intangible. It's awareness. It isn't something that has an aspect of polarity. That doesn't mean you cannot abandon the physical in that scenario, or else you end up like Timothy Leary and all those idiots in the 1960s who basically killed themselves on drugs, you know, just went about saying, well, the physical doesn't matter. I don't have to do anything. I can drop out, you know, like Timothy's, you know, I love Timothy Leary and the people who love him. And I think he could have been and it was in part a great scientist, but he lost it because of trying to abandon the physical. To abandon your physical reality is a great mistake. 

[Sue:] Mm hmm. 

[Me:] It's essentially the other part of who you are. We are the observer. We are the observed. We are the experiencer. We are the experience. They can't be separated.

[Sue:]  I'm looking through my questions going kind of what what makes sense here anymore? We've gone into another universe. Do you think love exists in this scenario? Is love real? 

[Me:] Oh, yeah. Oh, absolutely. 

[Sue:] And what would that be? What is love? 

[Me:] I think it's just the bond that you have with identifying with everyone who is an observer. 

[Sue:] Mm hmm. 

[Me:] It's sharing of every observation that you can make. And it translates into the physical. Everything does. There is a tangible set of love, and But that. It's like you're saying it's so hard for humans to achieve that. 

[Sue:] Mm hmm. 

[Me:] Ego. The the need, the physical deprivation, the the whole human, huge set of human population. It makes it too difficult to do it from a physical point of view. There's nothing really to share as a physical entity or any physical aspect. You're the observed rather than the observer. If you lose your position as an observer, then you've already lost everything that you have. 

[Sue:] Hmm. I'm trying to think of. Then what do we have to do as the observer? 


[Me:] There isn't anything else to do except to, you know, be aware or to observe. You know, and. And you can't abandon anything that you're able to do. To do something to help other people or help yourself be healthy or whatever. All those things have to be done because they're an equal part of how and who we are. 

[Sue:] Hmm. I'm so curious as to why why all of this? Why the human, why the physical, Why the you know, you talk about this universe and the membranes. What's the membrane? 


[Me:] It's just an aspect of the physical set. It can be anything in our cosmos. It's a very specific thing. The laws of physics find every little puny little thing all the way down to a quark. But a quark to me is a huge thing. It's not even real in the laws of physics, but it's still the hugest thing to me. A quark is not tiny at all. There's still an infinite set of dimensions all the way up to the quark from, say, the tiniest energy string or whatever is the tiniest pixel in the whole physical cosmos. It's not the quark, that's for sure. 

Quarks: What are they?


[Sue:] Mm hmm. Do you ever contemplate the why? Why all of this? And what's in what's outside of it?

[Me:]  There can't be a why. Because unless you say it didn't exist forever, then you have to add whys. Why does it exist? 

[Sue:] You're saying it simply is. 

[Me:] Yeah. The Tao is what it is. It's always existed. It is. The reason for everything doesn't end. It is everything possible. And everything actual. And also everything impossible. And everything, you know, not actual. So there isn't any why because there's no beginning and there's no ending. There's not even a dimension that you can put on the infinite mind. 

[Sue:] Mm hmm. So why do you think we ask why all the time? As humans, we are whys, you know, It's always why why why. 


[Me:] Yeah. If you have anything to do with a young child, you know, there's a why, there's a whole year of why why.

[Sue:] Right. I mean, there's that curiosity. So why do you think that is? 

[Me:] It's just a learning set of the physical reality, I guess. Okay. 

[Sue:] So if you could change anything about humanity, would you change anything? 


[Me:] Oh, of course. You know, you would have to want to change all of the problems, especially right now. And in fact, I'd say for at least 20 years, more than 20 years, I'd say sometime in the late sixties and late seventies, I was studying at the University of Pittsburgh and realized that there is a statistical reality, which I consider now to be genetic, that there's a hundred million criminally insane men in the world, and maybe 1 million of them are being treated well in American prisons and jails and, you know, halfway houses or whatever being treated medically. They receive everything that they need to keep themselves away from their criminal insanity. But there's 99 million others who are Saddam Hussein and Uday Hussein. You know, they're in office, they're in power. They're all over the world. And there's a violent crime every 12 seconds or something. And these 99% of the people do 0% of the crime and 1% of the people do 100% of the crimes. 


[Sue:] Why are there so many criminally insane men then? 


[Me:] I think there's an infinite set of reasons, but the main reason is 40,000 years of alcohol abuse and an infinite set of other forms of substance abuse. Every culture has a profoundly stupid substance abuse, at least one substance that totally destroys their mental and physical health. 

[Sue:] So we're not taking care of the physical very well, are we? 

[Me:] No, and I'm not sure what the answer to that is. I I'm sure it's good medical science in our cosmos, but we're just, like I said, one tiny little cosmos, one tiny little earth and one tiny little portion of a 13 billion light- year thing. So that's why I say it's extremely important to pay attention to every tiny little physical thing, every piece of chemistry that goes into your body and every other aspect of the physical is extremely important. 

[Sue:] Mm hmm. I can see with your background on substance abuse that it would give you quite a view of that. You've seen the the real bad side of it. 

[Me:] Yeah. And I would say it was demonized beyond the need to demonize it. You know, these people and even the the prisoners that are that were in prison for life that I interviewed, they're the most gentle, beautiful, loving people you could ever imagine. They just know themselves, the two prisoners in for life that I interviewed. They both said the same thing at different times, and I don't think they knew each other at all. That if they let me out of this prison in less than 24 hours, I'll be back doing all of the same things that got me here. So to me, they're the most enlightened people on earth. 

[Sue:] Hmm. Wow. So if you could change anything about yourself, would you change anything? 

[Me:] I'd definitely be rich, with money. I mean, I'm rich in every other way except money. I'm not sure I would really want that because I lived in Palm Beach, Florida, for in 1984, for about a year. And I worked for a millionaire who sold insurance to billionaires. So I was in the homes of billionaires all the time. Mm hmm. I am a billionaire. I'm on welfare, food stamps. But I am a billionaire. I have the privacy. I have the mental peace of mind that billionaires don't have. 

[Sue:] Mm hmm. But a little money might be nice. 

[Me:] Oh, yeah. If my movie script sells, I'll definitely do something with my money. I would pay other people's bills. My daughter and my sister. 

[Sue:] Right. So, overall, are you happy with your life and what you've done? 

[Me:] In a certain sense, yeah. Physically, I could have done a billion things differently, and then I would have had a billion different regrets. So I kind of agree that you can't regret anything because first of all, you can't go back in time to do it any other way. And if you didn't do it that way, you wouldn't have learned the lesson. 

[Sue:] Gee, is there somewhere you want to go from here, though, with with the rest of your life? 

[Me:] I literally could live another 40 years. So physically, I would want to stay healthy for those 40 years and try to, you know, like I said, get some of the cash that I never had really much of during my lifetime. 

[Sue:] Do you have any final thoughts and advice that you'd like to share with others? 

[Me:] Wow. Just keep the focus on how you are. We always say how you are. You never walk up to someone on the street and say, Who are you? You know, they'll feel threatened. But if you go up and say, How are you? Everybody says, Fine. How are you? 

[Sue:] Mm hmm. And are they? Good. 

[Me:] Oh, I think so. You know, that's essentially, I think a better definition of how we exist is how we are. 

[Sue:] Hmm. Wow. Oh, you're most engaging. Thank you. 

[Me:] Thank you. 

Bye. 


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